|
Between facts and news: Journalism, common sense
knowledge and public sphere
Alfredo Vizeu Pereira Júnior, João Carlos Correia
Universidade Federal de Pernambuco, Universidade da Beira Interior
E-mail: vizeu@hotlink.com.br, joaocarloscorreia@ubi.pt
After the optimism which followed the falling of the Berlin Wall, one has found
out that the alternative to Cold War wasn't the Global Peace. Regional
conflicts have grown stronger, becoming more intense than ever. At several
levels, some taken-for-granted evidences were shaken by new social,
cultural, political and technological phenomena.
Risk, contingence, and entropy became major categories of contemporary
theoretical approaches. The post-modern society appears now to contemporary
thought as a new world shaped by social and cultural fragmentation, and the
eruption of new identities. The emergence of a novel public sphere
concerned, mainly, with emergent social and political rights of minorities;
and the constant flow of people, either immigrants or refugees crossing
cultural and geographic spaces, brought to light new and old identities,
leading those ancient and secure borders to collapse. Some confluent
phenomena such as environmental problems, contemporary hazards associated
with nuclear power, chemical pollution, terrorism, changes on cultural
attitudes, the "women's lib'' and their subsequent arrival to labour market,
the crisis of the old traditional mediation apparatus (Church, Family,
Tradition), the decadence of ideologies, emerge as main features of a
society where everything that was solid melted on air (Adam, Beck, e van
Loom 2000: pp 6-7). Increasing reflexivity in face of answers once taken-for-granted challenged by those enormous changes, and anxiety in face of a changing world makes that concern with security and risk become a major
problem of our societies. Insecurity is thus an existential context: we
don't know anymore how to go on the basis of tradition. The implicit
validity claims of taken-for-granted values and traditions become
problematic and potentially questioned (Adam, Beck e van Loom, 2000:37)-
Throughout this text, one appeals to a theoretical approach where we can
find elements from the phenomenology of Lebenswelt, from the theory of multiple realities,
from the theory of social representations and also from the analysis of the didactic and
safety functions of journalism. With this approach, we achieve the
conceptual framework adequate to perception and analysis of the media
representation of a complex society, confronted with the insecurity of its
taken-for-granted structures and with new enclaves of meaning. The
appearance of new provinces of meaning is related with the emergence of a
pluralistic public sphere and with the eruption of some expressions of
identity and life-styles concerned with the so called post-modern changes.
Thanks to theoretical approaches carried out by Systems Theory, Pragmatics
of Human Communication and Phenomenology and by the so called risk theory,
one tries, through interpretative approaches, to facilitate the
understanding of how social and cultural intelligibility is achieved. The
contributions of these theories to epistemology and sociology of knowledge
have made widely known that, since long time ago, communication is a way of
answering to a social environment, whose main features are entropy and
complexity.
As Schutz has remarked (2003) in our daily life-world we adopt an attitude
that consists in the suspension of doubt. This does not mean that people
have no doubts concerning what they see their daily world. But they need some
kind of logical conformism as a survival strategy. We get into our cars to go to work daily, without doubting the ontological reality of several obstacles that we must face during this journey. There is
a kind of naïf trust about our perceptions: things are as they appear
on their self-evidence. The cognitive style of the everyday world is natural
attitude which evokes a merely pragmatic and utilitarian interest for the
world (Schutz, 1976:72). The natural attitude works with the "certainty" of
agents, operating pragmatically in the social world.
Such attitude assumes a reliable premise in the permanence of the structures
of the world. One trusts that the world will remain as it is and has been
known till now. So, experience will continue to preserve its basic validity
(Schutz and Luckmann, 1973:7). The familiarity with social reality implies
an organized standard of routines (Schutz, 1976: 108) learned from the
knowledge of "prescriptions" and typical behaviours (Schutz, 1975 b: 94-95).
This perspective analyses the use of typifications as an a priori component
of a social reality. The construction of typifications is a kind of
crystallization of the experience that grants stability to social life.
Typifications are a way of classification that preserves some basic
characteristics, required for the solution of practical tasks presented to
social agents. In face of each new situation, the actor will look for
similarity with other events, and so he will act in a similar way as before,
following the principle that things will remain identical. Giddens, (2003),
following the concerns of the phenomenology of social world, considers that
daily routines play a central role in society. Routine, psychologically
related with the minimization of the unconscious sources of anxiety, is the
predominant form of social daily activity (Giddens, 2003, p.32).
Accordingly, an entire field of research began to analyse the role of media
on the social construction of reality, enrichening journalism studies with many
concepts and researches carried on within the humanities and social sciences.
With the help from the quoted theoretical approaches, media studies,
sociology of journalism and news theory have been concerned with the
fundamental role of the media in articulating public and private spheres,
and in the social organization of space, time and community (Morley, 1992:
1). More than ever, the social construction of reality becomes a media
business. The portrait of society drawn by mass media is the result of a
professional activity of mediation carried on by strong social institutions
whose main concern is to analyse and interpret social reality and to mediate
the social actors of public spectacle. So, we share with Gomis (1991) the
central idea according to which media do not confine their activities to
the transmission of facts. They also represent reality according the social,
cultural and epistemological rules of journalistic practice.
Suddenly, researchers felt the need of a social theory would launch
the bridge between some of epistemological traits of the journalistic field
(objectivity, truth, accuracy), and its social role as a place of security
against increasing entropy and complexity. This angle of approach allowed an
understanding of journalistic phenomena in the scope of a theory of
knowledge.
Thus, we will have in account the way newsmakers present themselves as
"professionals of natural attitude'' and the way as that kind of attitude,
related with the common sense knowledge of the everyday life-world, is
reproduced in journalistic routines through typifications and other
cognitive process.
One can watch as the natural attitude is vigorously trained in a way that
allows journalism to proclaim his identification with the audience's
life-world. News organizations lacked a readymade "script'' to tell their
stories, a frame to help them seize the seemingly incomprehensible (Zalizer
e Allan, 2002). In journalism, this search for familiarity leads to a
conventional vision associated to common sense. Everyday practice develops a
set of procedures to assure the covering of a well-defined subject. This set
of procedures implies the learning on accumulated experience, to allow for
stability in what concerns the approach to similar events. The forms of
construction of informative reality are defined as the outcome of
professional routines and discursive practices that function as
typifications of reality. The routines and typifications are established
standards of behaviour, procedures that, without great risk or
complications, assure that journalists, under the pressure of time, can
rapidly transform the event into a news story (Traquina, 1993:32 - 33).
Therefore, the set of typifications carried during its professional activity is what
allows journalists to act "as always'' in face of identical
circumstances. As a columnist wrote in September 11th, the first moments
after the perception of the tragedy have been dedicated to the search of
comparisons: for some, it was the most horrible event since J.F Kennedy's
death, for others since the crisis of the hostages in the Olympic stadium
of Munique in 1972, or since the explosion of the Challenger, or yet since
the death of Diana or the shooting in the school of Columbine. However,
everybody felt a strong need of understanding which was the role of
journalists: helping to pass over the crisis into continuity. Under the
effect of trauma, everybody must have felt that organizational and
professional routines were still going on: so, the priorities of media
organizations quickly have been reorganized to produce "convergence''
(Zelizer and Allan, 2003:3, 8).
Analysing precedents and models of reporting identical or similar events
(Watergate preceded numerous cases of investigative journalism, namely
Irangate),it is possible to detect a set of discursive, narrative and
descriptive formulas and procedures, which seem, in a certain way, to be
written before being, effectively, written. The narrative genre known as
news can function, thus, in our differentiated societies, as a kind of
substitute of the myth, a substitute through which the members of a modern
culture learn values and definitions of good and evil (Bird and Dardenne,
1993: 266), providing credible information and ready answers for complex
phenomena. It can be said that reports about the same subject appear as a kind
of continued narrative, carrying a world vision that remains identical.
At the reception level, this kind of approach means that newspapers are
frequently used by readers and audiences in order to put some kind of order
in the world, allowing for the surpassing of its contingencies. Often, the
need of finding a frame that begets you the chance of understanding the
meaning of fragmented events that suddenly arise in everyday reality is the
favourite use given to news by audiences, as has been shown by researchers
supporting the uses and gratifications theory. Gratificationists support an
interpretative focus on the role of the reader in the decoding process.
Cultural Studies, by their side, believe on the active interpretative role
of publics and audiences but they don't agree with the neo-liberal rhetoric
which identifies the audience pleasure with rational and enlightened choice
(Morley, 1992-24-26). However, in spite of their differences, both emphasize
that news consumption is a kind of daily ritual which adds regularity and
meaning to a lot of events that bring more and more leaps to everyday
life-world. Local, regional and national newscast contribute to tranquillise
and to give a kind of security feeling to people in the daily life of
complex societies. The very idea of the capacity developed by media on the
construction of social reality, fighting the uncertainties of increasing
fluid and flexible social environment, can and shall be logically
articulated with the concept of hegemony developed by Raymond Williams. Despite
strong political connotations related with the idea of civil society and
ideological fight, the concept of hegemony helps to understand the social
function of imagination in lebenswelt. Media representation uses resources of shared
social knowledge and simultaneously strengthens them. Cultural Studies
understand mass communication processes not as pure information transmission
but as a set of textual practices demanding an active interpretation by
audiences. This approach, especially when applied to TV News, supports the
understanding of journalism as a phenomenon that can be called, in a social,
cultural and epistemological point of view as a place of security.
Acknowledging of TV role as an hegemonic medium is taken for granted.
Newscasters are well known by their capacity of framing and agenda setting.
Besides, iconic media have a strong skill of symbolic representation, being
able to change people's beliefs and cognitions, narrowing or broadening
their life-world borders.
In order to clarify this hypothesis, Silverstone and Morley try to analyze
the interaction between television and society, forgetting the model of
magic bullet and sketching a social scientific approach with contributions
from Anthropology, Psychology, Semiotics and so. An inquiry of Silverstone
(1996) on television and everyday life offers interesting clues to
understand the concept of TV journalism as a security place. Silverstone
argues that television is a "place'' where our social and cultural beliefs
are, generally, reassured. TV news are seen as a reference of stability and
safety. In spite of the variability of the relationship between linguistic
form and ideological meaning, cultural studies say that ought to be possible to
establish a structured set of relations among those levels. Daily contexts
are important as context of reception and so the daily world is also the
outcome of symbolic production (Cfr. Morley, 1992: 122). The uses of television
may provide us with a starting-point for understanding how families develop
and negotiate rules or principles governing areas of behaviour (Morley,
1992; 142). An audience is not viewed as an aggregate of viewers of a
specific program. The operations of coding and decoding are embedded in
social and symbolic practices which maintain and constitute social
realities. For this kind of approach, meaning is the "real stuff'' of which
the word of everyday life is made of. On the other hand, the constitution of
an audience only makes sense thanks to symbolic resources, most of them
provided and reassured by mass media. The notion of trust is essential to
reassure the feeling of ontological security, that is to say, the faith that
most human beings have on the continuity of their own identity and on the
stability of their social and cultural environments. In what concerns TV
journalism, one can stand that newscasters try to give some order to the
surrounding chaos.
Other authors of social theory have followed the same intuition. Dominique
Wolton (2004) argues that social bonds related with family and neighbourhood
are becoming thinner and distant thanks to the fragility of the relations
between mass society and individuals. If television does not create
social bonds, one must agree that in a period of deep social and cultural
ruptures and lack of references, the television continues to accomplish a
significant role in what concerns the strengthening of social and
cultural bonnds, allowing people to share horizons of common meaning.
Verón (1983) sees the journalist as a pedagogical enunciator that
configures the universe of speech, aiming the viewer, trying to guide and
informing him, although keeping a distance of the viewer goals. Vilches
(1989) observes that it cannot be forgotten that newscast establish with the
viewers a didactic-pedagogical relation, trying to make the world most
comprehensible for the public.
Accordingly, Television works as a kind of reference of stability in face of
violence, insecurity and the complexity of everyday world. Newscast works as a
cultural device that performs an essential task: showing that the world
outside keeps going on and it's not turning into a meaningless chaos.
People who arrive home, and sit down on their sofas at the end of a working
day, besides getting information about their social environment, want to
feel that their world, despite conflicts, unemployment and insecurity, is
still a predictable one. Trust, belief and safety are central elements to
social survival.
Newscast work as a kind of safety operators, reassuring, through several
strategies, this kind of naïf trust in the permanence of the world. As
Gomis argues (1991), the concept of journalism as place of security is
closely related to main features of the newscast. In complex societies the
journalistic portrait of the world almost exhausts the general pattern of
reference to the surrounding world.
If one agrees with the idea, according to which communication and language
can be truly effective in making present to our minds a lot of realities far
from the everyday life-world, one must not forget that this kind of
presentation it is not of the same kind as the one that envisages media
representation of reality as mirror. If during a crisis, news broadcast is
disrupted, one feels a feeling of fear as result of the absence of information.
Chaos would irrupt and probably the feeling of safety of daily life-world
would only be restored with the coming back of newscast, explaining what
happened. The lack of information leads to the lack of security. Newscast
contribute to the organization of the surrounding world, working as an operator
of security.
This particular approach, so related with the concept of social order, leads
to a multiplicity of controversies within journalism around some
epistemological matters. Some critics point to the impersonal reproduction
of a language wanted similar to the average citizen speech. If, on the one side,
the natural attitude is related with democratic potentialities of common
sense and public spirit, on the other side it may spread a certain logical
conformism in everyday life-world.
Accordingly with this theoretical approach, journalists, besides safety
function, generally perform three more kinds of functions: didactic
function, function of familiarization, and exoteric function.
Journalism manuals and style books are always remembering the obligation of
respecting the viewer and sending information in a correct and colloquial
way. If the viewer turns off the TV set, it is a journalistic mistake. One
must use words that are familiar to the viewer. Typifications and the
instauration of routines and precedents assist the possibility of creation
of common horizons of meaning, constructing society as a consensus, a
consensus that admits a certain conflict since this does not jeopardize the
central system of values. Media voices with higher range of influence and
penetration institute a narrative web that seems destined to restrict
meaning, to join untied wires of interpretation, to present a vision of our
society in which institutionalised forms of conflict coexist, without basic
contradictions. Journalists intend to create the belief that a particular
way of seeing corresponds to the natural, "true'' representation of
society, raising social representation of reality to an universal level that
surpasses the perception of difficulties, tensions and particularisations.
Along this process, the journalist appeals to rhetorical devices,
stereotypes expressed in narratives conventions (susceptible of being
studied at the level of speech) and organizational practices that become
visible in "news-value'' and newsworthiness.
In everyday practice of news making, journalism seeks to show the world in a
more familiar way, working as a kind of safety place in a world increasingly
more insecure. This concern of showing the world more familiar occurs inside
the journalistic field as a kind of didactic function (Vizeu, 2002). It can be
told that journalism, at the level of a narrative knowledge, works with the
previous knowledge about rule and deviance inside of a community. Narrative
knowledge presupposes shared horizons of meaning and a reciprocity of
expectations that allows for the intelligibility of speech. Journalism is
deeply related to everyday lifeworld, and professionals try to achieve the
maximum of synchronisation with cultural presupposes of social agents. The
language of journalistic prose contains a special relation with the daily
world, reconstituting it in a way that emphasizes some of its traces.
One of the main features of media speech is the fact that this kind of speech is
not confined to a restrict domain of experience. Since Robert Park (1972),
journalism researchers like to talk about two main kinds of knowledge:
"knowledge of'' and "knowledge about''. The former is acquired with the
experience, the latter is formal and looks for a certain degree of precision
and accuracy. Park (1972) supports the idea that news, as a way of
knowledge, are focused on present time, orienting man and society in the real
world. Based on a similar theoretical approach, Meditsch (1992) says that
journalistic knowledge is different from scientific knowledge. While the
first one follows an agenda of subjects, scientific method works through
hypothesis and logical deductions (Meditsch, 1992). At the level of the
agenda the analysis of independent variables is substituted by the idea of
apprehend the facts from different perspectives. Scientific knowledge works
with experiments (Santos, 1998) and with abstract cuts on reality to look
for answers about certain phenomena, researching, analysing, systematizing
and organizing data. It is an esoteric knowledge, because is shared by a
group of experts which don't care about public visibility.
Contrarily to science, journalism knowledge has a strong concern on public
visibility and works with subjects despised by sciences such as emotions,
dramas and collective or individual behaviour. Its concern it is not some
kind of essentialist knowledge, the isolation from original context.
Journalism seeks for dimensions of reality that aren't interesting to
traditional epistemology. Journalistic speech is exoteric, while scientific
speech is of the esoteric kind, which means it is to be confined to experts and
disciples of a school which does not share its knowledge with strangers
(Abbagnamo, 2003).
While the extent of the legitimacy of other types of speech is limited to
one of the specific domains of experience, the extent of the legitimacy
of media speech crosses over all the domains of modern experience. The
imperative of transparency and universal visibility of media speech is
related with the exoteric nature of its symbolic production, while the
relative opacity of the other modalities of speech is related with the
esoteric nature of its symbolic production. We use the term esoteric to
classify a speech destined only to members of an institution that becomes
relatively cloudy to strangers and all foreigners that do not belong to the
legitimate body of this institution. Exoteric is applied to discursive
modalities that are not reserved to an institutional body in particular, but
destined indiscriminately, to all. Thus, for example, medical speech tends
to develop, not only a vocabulary and syntactic rules, but also esoteric
manifestations of its expression and its diffusion, what turns it
incomprehensible and cloudy to those who are not part of his legitimate
body. The media speech tends to become transparent and universally
understandable, in function of its exoteric nature.
One can find on this professional knowledge, a concept of presumed audience
(Vizeu, 66), a concept that gives some hope to all theorists, since cultural
studies until movements such as the aesthetic of reception from Hans Robert
Jauss, that believe in the interpretative skill of audiences. During the
process of mediation between facts and news, journalists perform a lot of
operations which allow building up social representations of daily world,
showing daily life with its contradictions.
The first operators that a researcher can find are the procedures concerned
with time and the concept of actuality. Journalists live under the tyranny
of time. They must answer to the appeal of audiences that feel a strong need
of getting the feeling of having been there.
The second level of procedures is associated to objectivity. The narrative
of journalistic legitimacy is always concerned with journalists being seen
as truly and reliable researchers of true facts. It's not enough to be fair.
They must bee seen as fair and capable of an objective reporting. So, the
journalistic speech always tries to obliterate the marks of the author's
subjectivity, erasing deictics and all pronouns that refer to the author of
the text.
At the third level of operations, appear the procedures of interpellation,
which are devices that seek for the complicity of audiences. One of the most
typical uses of this devise is the attempt to turn the viewers into agents:
"Here, we can see the house of the victim''.
In another level, we find the framing procedures. Following the concept of
typifications of Alfred Schutz, scholars such as Goffman, Gitlin (1980) and
even Tuchman say that frames are basic cognitive structures which guide the
perception and representation of reality. Frames are not consciously
manufactured but are unconsciously adopted in the course of communicative
processes. On a very banal level, frames structure which parts of reality
become noticed. Todd Gitlin has summarized these frame elements most
eloquently in his widely quoted elaboration of the frame concept: "Frames
are principles of selection, emphasis and presentation composed of little
tacit theories about what exists, what happens, and what matters."
(Gitlin 1980: 6)
In journalistic enunciation we also find didactic procedures: these
procedures aim to explain environment in a didactical way. On didactical
procedures we find that journalists have a kind of mental portrait of
audience (Vizeu, 2005: 151). This hypothesis confirms the existence of a
presumed audience. Journalists aim to bring information to the level of what
they think to be its audience's life-world. They try very hardly to turn
what is seen as strange and complex into something familiar and easy to
understand. That concern is easy to find in the choice of the words and
in a lot strategies that try to generalize the world vision carried by the
enunciate, almost as if journalists were saying that everybody (that's
to say everybody belonging to average people) is worried with the same
subjects and thinking the same about those subjects. The news narrative had
become, thus, representative of a given culture, helping to understand its
significant values and symbols. Spreads a feeling of security when promoting
a certain social order and when establishing borders for the acceptable
behaviour. Journalistic speech, in spite of the claim to objectivity, owns
some features of narrative knowledge such as openness to life-world. Media
communication carries with a kind of life of its own, synthesizing, in an
original way, public and private experiences.
However, the didactic function of journalism cannot be understood in a
scholastic way. Sure, journalism is connected to daily life-world and looks
for a kind of empathy with real people that is particularly strong on TV
news story. But, even agreeing with that point of view, we don't support a
unilateral concept about the social function of journalism.
Social sciences and journalism theory must not confine journalistic
practices to a simplistic kind of common sense knowledge, exempt of internal
contradictions, whose main function would be to reinforce actual social
relations (Genro, 1977). So, journalism will stay at a level of mediation
between common sense and critical knowledge. In spite of this connection
with narrative knowledge from community, journalism also stands up for one validity claim to truth which implies a
discursive practice considered the most adequate to the objective reporting.
Finally, journalism performs a social task of spreading knowledge and
information that allows the chance of the average man to participate on
collective deliberation and on public opinion building.
Media are surely the cause of contacts that exceed the standard-reality of
everyday life-world, allowing experiments that surpass the more direct
coordinates of space and time. They allow vast layers of hearers to access
the report of events verified on provinces of meaning far from daily life.
Television can introduce us to an economist that explains with adequate
seriousness, the financial moment, to a scientist that introduces the
eventuality of a new cure, to a writer that speaks of its creative
experience or, even, to a prophet who speaks of the mystical experience.
These moments originate the ruptures and the displacement of meaning that
allows the transition from life-world to other provinces of meaning
transitions that Schutz recognizes to imply brusque changes of cognitive
styles (Schutz &Luckmann, 1973).
Media and, in particular, television are also responsible for the emergency
of the "well informed citizen'', which is a social type that gains an
enormous importance in modern democracies and in the contemporary public
space. According to Alfred Schutz (1976- b), the common man has a pragmatic
relation with the life-world and uses typical prescriptions in order to get
identical results in typical situations. The well informed citizen
identifies itself with the democratic public space, a concept that, although
it is not explicitly present in the work of Schutz, must be looked at as a
province of meaning, with is own cognitive style and his particular use of
reason, certainly different from the cognitive style and from the uses of reason
carried out on other provinces of meaning such as religion, art or everyday
life world. The meaning of all the functions and procedures suffers a new
reading at the light of Schutz's thought: Journalism does not achieve the
level of critical thought. It is concerned to explain the social word in a
didactic way. However, journalism brings multiple realities, even the most
complex, closer to everyday life-world. So, there's a democratic
potentiality in journalistic field, visible at three levels: a) allows us to
understand the social reality; b) it breaks walls between strictly rational
and cognitive ways of knowing reality and common sense knowledge; c) it
allows the transition among several provinces of meaning, helping audiences
to apprehend the subjects concerned with political and economical systems
and public sphere. With journalism, people learn how to deal with
strangeness and otherness: so, good journalism will find the right balance
between communitarian roots and openness to the world.
ADAM, Barbara, BECK, Ulrich and VAN LOOM, Joost, The Risk Society and
Beyond: critical issues for social theory, London, Thousand Oaks, New Delhi,
Sage Publications, 2000.
CORREIA, João Carlos, A Teoria da Comunicação de Alfred Schutz,
Lisboa, Horizonte, 2005.
CORREIA, João Carlos, Comunicação e Cidadania: os media e a
fragmentação do Espaço Público nas Sociedades Pluralistas.
Lisboa, Livros Horizonte, 2004.
GALTUNG, Johan, RUGE, Mari Holmboe. A estrutura do noticiário
estrangeiro in TRAQUINA, Nelson, Jornalismo: Questões, Teorias e "Estórias". Lisboa: Vega, 1993.
GIDDENS, Anthony, A constituição da sociedade. São Paulo:
Martins Fontes, 2003.
GOMIS, Lorenzo, Teoria del periodismo: cómo se forma el presente.
México: Paidós, 1991.
HALL, Stuart. The narrative construction. Disponível na Internet:
http://www. centerforbookculture.org/context/no10/hall.html - Acesso em: 21 de Novembro de 2005.
LUHMANN, Niklas, Poder, Brasília, Editora Universidade de
Brasília, 1985.
MEDITSCH, Eduardo. O conhecimento do jornalismo. Florianópolis: EDUF SC,
1992.
MORLEY, David, Television, Audience and Cultural Studies, London and New
Cork, Rutledge, 1992.
PARK, R. A notícia como forma de conhecimento: um capítulo da
sociologia do conhecimento. In: STEINBERG, C. (org.). Meios de comunicação de
massa. São Paulo: Cultrix, 1972.
RODRIGUES, Adriano Duarte, O discurso mediático. Lisboa, 1996, mimeo.
SANTOS, Boaventura de Sousa, Um discurso sobre as ciências. 10 ed.
Portugal: Afrontamento, 1998.
SCHLESINGER, Philip. Os jornalistas e a sua máquina do tempo in
TRAQUINA, Nelson. Jornalismo: Questões, Teorias e "Estórias". Lisboa: Vega, 1993.
SCHUTZ, Alfred, El problema de la realidad social. Buenos Aires: Amorrortu,
2003.
SCHUTZ, Alfred, "The Stranger'' in Collected papers, studies in social
theory, Vol. II, The Hague, Martinus Nijoff, 1976.
SCHUTZ, Alfred, The well-informed citizen in Collected papers. Vol. II.
Studies in social theory The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1976 - b.
SCHUTZ, Alfred, "Type and edos in Husserl's late philosophy'' in Collected
papers, vol. III, The Hague Martinus Nijjoff, 1975.
SCHUTZ, Alfred e LUCKMANN, Thomas, The Structures of life-world, Evanston,
Northwestern University Press, 1973.
SILVERSTONE, Roger, Televisión y vida cotidiana. Buenos Aires:
Amorortu, 1996.
TUCHMANN, Gaye. A objectividade como ritual estratégico: uma análise
das noções de objectividade dos jornalistas. In. TRAQUINA, Nelson.
Jornalismo: Questões, Teorias e "Estórias". Lisboa: Veja, 1993.
VERÓN, Elizeo, Il est là, je le vois, il me parle. Revue
Communications, nº 38, Paris: Seuil, 1983, p.99-120.
VILCHES, Lorenzo, Manipulación de la información televisiva.
Barcelona: Paidós, 1989.
VIZEU, A. A audiência presumida nas notícias no caso dos
telejornais locais. Rio de Janeiro: UFRJ/ECO, 2002. p. 345. (Tese Doutorado em Comunicação Social)
VIZEU, Alfredo, O lado oculto do Telejornalismo, Florianópolis, Editora
Calandra, 2005.
WOLTON, Dominique, Pensar a comunicação. Brasília: Editora da
UNB, 2004.
WOLTON, Dominique, Elogio do grande público. São Paulo:
Ática, 1996.
ZALIZER, Barbie and ALLAN, Stuart, Introduction: When trauma shapes the news,
in ZALIZER. Barbie and ALLAN, Stuart Journalism after September 11, London
and New York, Rutledge, 2002.
|
